Crisis Group has worked in Türkiye for well over a decade, engaging the government and a range of other stakeholders in order to develop analysis of the country's domestic and regional concerns and to advocate for ways of ending, mitigating or preventing conflict. At home, these concerns include the threat of escalated fighting with Kurdistan Workers’ Party militants and the uncertainty presented by jihadists returning from foreign battlefields, as well as the political, economic and social strains of hosting over four million refugees. In its immediate neighbourhood and beyond, Ankara has become a crucial player whose alliances and geopolitical ambitions are shaping various conflicts and prospects for their resolution. As Türkiye finds its place in a changing world order, Crisis Group provides insights into how its policies, and those of its partners, may better contribute to peace and stability.
Low-cost and high-performing, Turkish-made armed drones are capturing an increasing share of the global market. This success comes with risks, including escalation of conflict and reputational damage, but there are several ways for Ankara to manage them.
Military targeted Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in Iraq, Syria and south-eastern Türkiye, authorities continued to arrest alleged ISIS supporters, and normalisation with Greece remained on track.
Operations against PKK continued. Ahead of expected summer offensive against PKK in northern Iraq, military appeared to fortify supply lines, secure operational support from Baghdad and reinforce existing military outposts. Military also continued strikes on PKK militants. Notably, defence ministry 15-18 June and 26 June said security forces “neutralised” 11 PKK militants in northern Iraq and another 16 in northern Syria; National Intelligence Organization 26 June reportedly “neutralised” PKK leader in Jazira region of Syria, Ali Dinçer, who is wanted by Interpol. Security forces 20-21 June also carried out operations against PKK in south-eastern provinces Şırnak, Batman, and Ağrı.
Authorities targeted alleged Islamic State (ISIS) members. Detentions during June on ISIS-linked charges continued at lower pace with police arresting at least 62 suspects. Notably, police 10 June detained 11 suspected of financing ISIS; security forces 14 June detained relative of former ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi reportedly attempting to flee Türkiye; police next day detained two ISIS members in Istanbul city allegedly planning attack.
Türkiye floated BRICS membership, looked to mend ties with Greece, Syria. During China visit, FM Fidan 3 June said Türkiye was considering BRICS membership; Russian President Putin 11 June welcomed interest, and Fidan same day attended BRICS summit in Russia. Meanwhile, Defence Minister Güler 1 June hailed “positive period” in Turkish-Greek relations. Media reports 20 June revealed that Türkiye and Greece had made joint nominations for Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) appointments. However Greek Defence Minister Nikos Dendias 24 June said ongoing disagreements, including over eastern Mediterranean/Aegean maritime zones, cast doubts on sustainable normalisation. Syrian President Assad 26 June affirmed Syria’s “openness” to relations with Türkiye conditional upon respect for Syrian sovereignty over its territory; President Erdoğan 28 June told reporters there is “no reason” not to restore diplomatic ties with Syria.
This is strategically important for the EU. It is necessary to avoid causing Turkey to drift further to other places.
Especially after the elections in Turkey, the EU is looking for new ways of having a more constructive and less acrimonious relationship with Turkey.
The success of Ankara's mediation [over Gaza] will depend on how much influence the political wing of Hamas has on the armed wing.
Ankara remains intent on further pushing back against the PKK [Kurdistan Workers' Party] and its affiliates in the region.
If the UN fails to extend its operation [in Syria] via these [Turkish border] crossings, donor states should bypass the UN and do bilateral assistance themselves.
Less escalation in the conflict with the PKK may give authorities [in Türkiye] struggling with how to respond to this unprecedented crisis one less thing to worry about.
This week on Hold Your Fire!, Richard speaks with Crisis Group’s Türkiye director Nigar Göksel about Türkye’s policy in its neighbourhood as Ankara seeks to defend its interests in a region caught up and reshaped by recent wars.
Relations between Ankara and Brussels have been warming despite democratic backsliding in Türkiye. In this excerpt from the Watch List 2023 – Autumn Update, Crisis Group explains how the EU and its member states can deepen this trend, cooperating with Türkiye in areas of mutual interest.
UN diplomacy aimed at reunifying Cyprus has been drifting since talks broke down in 2017. The Secretary-General should appoint an envoy to draft a roadmap with sufficient incentives to bring both Greek and Turkish Cypriots back to the table.
Since the Syrian uprising began in 2011, Ankara has been drawn ever deeper into the crisis. Its approach will likely hold steady for now. But the choices it makes next matter for the fate of millions of Syrians.
In this online event, Crisis Group’s experts and external speakers discussed the extent to which hydrocarbons have shaped conflict dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean and the prospects for effective gas diplomacy, in particular.
This week on War & Peace, Olga Oliker speaks with Crisis Group’s Türkiye Director Nigar Göksel about the Turkish elections and how President Erdoğan’s new term might shape the country’s domestic and foreign policy.
Major gas finds in the eastern Mediterranean seabed over the last ten years have fuelled ambitions to link the region’s energy markets and, in turn, bring its countries in conflict to the negotiating table. These great expectations have proven outsized, but smaller-scale objectives are achievable.
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